Tag Archive | Informal housing market

Ways to Stay Put

Gentrification - Mural at Balamy Alley, San Francisco.

By 2050, 55% of India’s population is expected to live in cities[1]. While it has been noted that the influx of people into cities shall create a high demand for housing, it’s important to highlight that much of the immediate demand is going to be for rental housing. Given that rental rates in cities like Mumbai are sky rocketing, the demand for affordable rental housing for the lower income groups is often fulfilled by slums.

The slum serves as peculiar kind of rental housing market. The affordability of rents in a slum hinges on its “informality” and lack of services. Hence the paradox that any kind of attempt to formalize/regularize/improve the slum threatens to gentrify it. I use the term gentrify to speak about the process of displacement of the poorest renters by those who are willing to pay a higher rent. I understand that gentrification is not a term that can easily be transported to a slum because the literature, that I am familiar with, speaks very particularly about the American inner city. Yet I feel that it’s a useful term as it helps draw attention to the difference between the renting slum dwellers and the ones who come to “own” homes in the slum. The upgradation/redevelopment projects in some ways benefit those who come to “own” a house in the slum leaving tenants sensitive to rent changes at risk of displacement.

The Indian governments Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAYs program) authoritatively lays out “guidelines to create slum free cities”. It directs the local governments to increase the level of infrastructure in slums to match that of the formal city and to bring slums under formal systems of property ownership . I shall not get into the absurdity of bringing back the slum free rhetoric, but I would like to point out Read More…

The Right to the City

“The right to the city is far more than the individual liberty to access urban resources: it is a right to change ourselves by changing the city. It is, moreover, a common rather then an individual right since this transformation inevitably depends upon the exercise of a collective power to reshape the process of urbanization. The freedom to make and remake our cities and ourselves is, I want to argue, one of the most precious yet most neglected of our human rights.” – David Harvey, The Right to the City (2008), a postface to Social Justice and the City

I moved to São Paulo in 2010 inspired by collaborative place making, eager to study ways in which favelas are “upgraded”, creating more livable, humane, and connected neighborhoods. After a diverse and eye opening year in which I completed a post-graduate course in public housing design at Escola da Cidade, led a youth arts collective in a favela in the north periphery of São Paulo, and investigated several reurbanization projects throughout the city I felt optimistic about collective public space making and the opportunity architects have to co-design reurbanization and urban upgrade projects. Then, I witnessed reurbanization begin. I watched children climb over the wreckage of homes left in a state of half demolition and listened to families tell stories of how long it took to build their home, unsure of where they would go next.

The Bamburral Favela during housing removal for reurbanization. São Paulo, Brazil.                         Credits Kirsten Larson

Despejo na Favela, a samba written in 1973 by Adoriran Barbosa, a musician from São Paulo reflects what I am experiencing in the city. I realized that I was investigating a very narrow slice of an enormous urban dilemma whose web is just as intertwined with the politics of capital and hierarchies of knowledge as it is to punctual architectural actions that reform open sewers and pave roads. I began to feel reurbanization’s potential to oppress rather than liberate, to understand the stark contrast between slick design boards and a living urban reality, to see through photos of community meetings, and to question the authenticity of community design processes. I am questioning to what extent reurbanization is a need. What is truly necessary to build healthy vibrant communities? Whose needs does urban planning really serve? And, to what extent and where has planning been used as an ideological instrument by the dominant classes? Within these unanswered questions I began to imagine the questions that may lead to alternative paradigms in planning. How can decision making be lateral rather than vertical? Where does liberation come into play? And most of all, how do we as architects and planners navigate a process where our work, our pedagogy, and our ethics directly effect the lives of oppressed citizens of the working class, a population which is not included in our beloved ‘formal city’? Read More…

Social contracts in ‘slums’, some evidence from the informal rental market in Medellin

Intro Post by Paula Restrepo

Everyone that has ever set a foot in a slum has realized that – as informal and disorganized as they might seem – things have a way of working. When individual water connections are not provided women find ways to organize collection using available standpipes, and as some of the women leave their homes to work, others take care of their children in informal kindergartens. In the same way, many informal settlements are home to dynamic rental housing markets even though most of the ‘landlords’ collecting rent are not the legal owners of land. The latter is explained by the existence of social contracts that serve – in the absence of legal contracts – to organize transactions and define responsibilities.

While social contracts also exist in the formal city they play a predominant role in economic transactions made in informal environments. Why? Because in the absence of a legal system, communities define social ‘rules’ that allow contracts to emerge. In informal environments social contracts are generally delimited by cultural habits and religious beliefs and are reinforced by ‘power groups’. On the one hand, cultural habits and religious beliefs generally incite individuals to keep their promises since the long term costs of losing one’s reputation is generally higher than the direct cost associated with breaking a given contract. As trust is a form of social capital that is generally, granted at first, but takes a lot of time to regain once lost. On the other hand, when social contracts or promises are broken individuals in informal environments can use local power groups (i.e. gang members, leaders) to either recuperate some of their loss or induce some form of pressure on ‘promise breakers’.

Some evidence from the informal rental market in Medellin:

While I was working on my PhD I found a fantastic database that allowed to test – at some extent – these ideas empirically. This database contained household level information of the poorest of the poor in the city of Medellin, who as expected, live predominantly in informal settlements. The household survey who at the core of the data base had asked households typical questions regarding housing (rooms, materials, etc) and socio-economic status (income, household size, etc) and a very interesting and awkward question regarding the contract agreement made between renters and ‘landlords’. All households were asked Read More…

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