“Informal” Designers
As I noted in my last post, professional architectural design has recently come to be seen as a valid and potentially effective approach to improving informal settlements. I have long had an interest in the spatial and material qualities of built environment of informal settlements, and the recent shift in thinking about “design in favelas” presents an opportunity to expand the discussion to include architectural design as practiced by the residents themselves. As a point of reference, I would suggest that spatial constraint is typically the factor most at play in the process of architectural design in an urban informal settlement, and that its impact can be observed in every piece of the built environment.
Part of my architectural research in São Paulo focused on documenting stairs and semiprivate outdoor spaces, as these were common elements visible from the circulation spaces which showed a lot of individual expression. At first glance, designing a stair in an informal settlement might seem like a simple project. In fact, the number of factors that have to be addressed by the designer is surprisingly high. The first design decision would most likely be the selection of a location. In the spatially constrained context of an informal settlement, the builder may wish to encroach on an adjacent circulation path. These “public” spaces appear to be created and maintained by local agreement, although I have not investigated how the encroachment process occurs in that context.
But whether the stair was within the zone of a resident’s home, or encroaching in the circulation space, the guiding principle appeared to be to serve the purpose in the minimum space possible. Stairs were almost always narrow rather than wide, and within the great variety of stair configurations I documented, I rarely encountered full landings where a stair changed direction – typically, a triangular step or two would serve the purpose. As the photo above shows, the two angled treads appear to be designed to encroach as little as possible into the adjacent circulation space.
Fortunately, the best material for designing these freeform stairs is also one of the most inexpensive and readily available. Poured-in-place Read More…
Remaking Rio: favela tourism and the tourist narrative: part I
The above video shows a new tourist attraction in the famous favela Santa Marta: paintball. Brought to you by Off the Track Rio, a collaboration between a Santa Marta resident and a US-exchange student. Some of you may be shocked or even appalled by the moral implications of a bunch of rowdy, privileged foreigners playing war games in what used to be a favela controlled by a notorious drug lord. (If so, feel free to debate it out on the blog of the co-creator, where he has addressed such criticisms). I myself am fascinated, because through this project they are making a space of leisure and fun in which residents and ‘outsiders’ engage with one another through play. As a side note, at 25 reais a game (about 15 USD, and residents play at a “steep discount” according to the co-creator), paintball in Santa Marta is far more economical than any favela tour I have ever seen advertised.
- Favela Paintball in Santa Marta. Source: http://wp.me/p1XQo2-13
Front cover of the UN report critiqued by Gilbert.
Like all social categories, concepts, identities and definitions, slum is not static but constantly reproduced and contested (locally and globally). In a recent paper, Gareth Jones examines aesthetic representations of slums and how spatial and territorialized stigma can be challenged through art and what he calls “aesthetic work” [2]. With a global approach, Jones offers examples from Accra, Durban, London and Rio de Janeiro. The Rio example of Projeto Morrinho is especially interesting. What started as a small project by local youth Read More…
Favela and Futebol III: 1950′s maracanazo
For the first time since the advent of World War II the soccer world reconvened in Brazil in June, July 1950. With the Maracanã as the larger stadium in the planet, the country that played well in 1938 (3rd place) was galvanized around its Seleção that seemed unstoppable. In the first phase Brazil beat Mexico (4-0), tied with Switzerland (2-2) and beat Youguslavia (2-0). With a couple of nervous appearances the Seleção was not as exuberant in its first 3 games. The biggest surprise of all was the amateurish team of USA beating England (1-0) in Belo Horizonte, sending the favorite British Team back home.
The second and final phase between the hosts, Sweden, Spain and Uruguay would see the Brazilian splendor that all 50 million Brazilians were waiting for. The first game was an elastic 7-0 win over Sweden, followed by another “goleada” of 6-1 over Spain. Meanwhile, Uruguay struggled to tie with the Swedes (2-2) and beat the Spanish (3-2) on a very tough game.
For the final on July 16th 1950 the Maracanã stadium was at full capacity (200,000) waiting for Brazil to continue its winning strike and take the FIFA World Cup for the first time. Brazil would be champion with a simple tie and actually scores first. But Uruguay’s dangerous counter-attacks worked twice. End of the game, Uruguay 2-1 Brazil. The biggest loss Read More…
La Salada as Subject
La Salada at 9 on a Sunday morning (J. Renteria)
La Salada, whose 20 hectares are lined along the south of the Rio Matanza in Buenos Aires, claims to be the largest informal market in Latin America. Given the thoroughness of pieces like this one, I thought I would instead share my personal experience with La Salada in hopes of providing both a more textured understanding of its context and insight on how it is perceived by some.
At the recommendation of a Buenos Aires-based architect, I decided to visit La Salada, located south of the Rio Matanza, just outside of the city of Buenos Aires’ boundaries and a part of the generally impoverished region of the South, which is largely characterized by poor infrastructure and few social service amenities.
Stands teeter over the Rio Matanza (J. Renteria)
Those less interested in La Salada as subject, knowing it only as an unsafe, chaotic place, repeatedly told me I should not go. I justified my insistence in going by assuming that it could not be terribly bad. Hundreds of thousands, from all of over the country and outside of it, bus in regularly to shop at this place, I thought. Tens of millions of dollars are generated from sales on a monthly basis! What is there to fear?
By the day of the trip, I had recruited a hostel companion to accompany me, thus somewhat assuaging the apprehension I was feeling about the trip at that point. When we jumped onto the bus to get to our destination, I let the bus driver know where we were headed and asked if he could give us a heads up as our stop neared. “Sure, it’s the last stop,” he said and, like many others before, asked if I knew where I was going. “Yes, I do know.” He shrugged and on we went. Read More…
SELR: Slum Electrification and Loss Reduction Program
Transforming Electricity Consumers into Customers: Case Study of a Slum Electrification and Loss Reduction Project in São Paulo, Brazil
Today I will be writing about a project that although I have known for a while keeps coming back to my head every time I try to think about a successful example of going beyond sectors (housing, energy, transport…) when doing slum upgrading interventions. I learned about this project when I was in India working on my PhD and evaluating the Slum Rehabilitation Scheme being implemented in Mumbai. I was volunteering at the Slum Rehabilitation Society – a small but inspiring NGO that worked in slums since the early 70’s – and since they were helping me out with some of my research I felt the need to help them out with one or two basic things. In return for their solidarity I agreed to help them (1) redeveloping their webpage that was quite outdated – I have to admit that I am not especially proud of my work on this area since my design skills stopped in kindergarten – and (2) help them develop a set of community workshops for a Safe Electrification and Loss Reduction Project in Mumbai that was bound to replicate the SELR project in Sao Paulo, Brazil. The NGO in which I was volunteering was in charge of communicating the project to slum households on behalf of USAID and COPPER International, the two agencies leading the projects.
I left Mumbai long before the community workshops started so my knowledge of SELR Mumbai or its outcomes stopped there but during the workshops’ preparation I learned a little about SELR Sao Paulo and that is what I wanted to share with you today. The Slum Electrification and Loss Reduction Project –SELR- aimed to (1) solve a large-scale and long-term problem of electricity losses from theft and non-payment in slums (2) while bringing more reliable and safer electricity service to its residents and (3) reduce their electricity consumption dramatically to affordable levels. Its first pilot was in Paraisópolis, a slum in Sao Paulo. At first, when I started reading the papers Read More…
The Perfect House
Garage on block with favela in the background. Image from the Coletivo de Arte do Bamburral.
I have been teaching art classes to kids in a favela in the north zone of São Paulo for two years now. One of our staple activities is free drawing – crayons, markers, pencils, and imagination. Well, sort of. There is specific drawing that always seems to repeat itself amongst almost all of my students. It is the image of a simple pitched roof house with two windows and a front door accompanied by a brightly shining sun and a long, thin set of clouds. Where the imprint of this image comes from I am not quite sure. The TV, textbooks, children’s books, computer games, or all of the above… It is, definitively, the preferred version of the “perfect” house. I think I have seen at least one hundred slightly different versions. But this “ideal” house is nowhere in sight as you look around the masses of flat-roofed, brick homes, stacked one atop the other. In fact you will rarely encounter this image of a house in the city of São Paulo at all.
Pitched roof house. Image from the Coletivo de Arte do Bamburral
I am working with the students, some as young as six, to draw the homes on their street, in their neighborhood. The results are amazing – bricks drawn one by one, close lines stretching across decks, adorned by colorful clothing, stairs on the ground, in the sky, or carefully placed on the face of a house. But once in a while a child will squint their eyes tightly, and peering at a Read More…
The Urban Theater
Post by Marines Pocaterra [Proyectos Arqui 5] on Caracas
We all agree that urban interventions should be positive social actions that focus their benefits on low-income urban dwellers. There is a wide range of projects in this list: punctual upgrades in informal settlements, participatory projects, new infrastructure equipment, renovations, and so on and so forth.
Yet, as urbanists and urban activists, we will have to learn to sort out the ‘good’ interventions from the theatrical urban shows. This is particularly important, as various demagogical regimes have discovered a way to implement political control through the disguise of innocent urban interventions. Allow me to expand on the latter, as it is a scheme applied in my home country, Venezuela:
Governments begin by preaching ‘globally approved slogans’ on urban upgrading: empowerment of the people, participative projects, equal access to land, leadership in self-development and so on. However, this façade discourse quickly transforms into a prize contest where people are offered, not education, stability nor the power to make decisions; but instead, cheap trinkets ranging from participation on a share of ‘invaded’ land, to white line appliances, to cash, to positions of ‘power’ within the community.
Originally designed to transform dwellers into owners of their own future, provide responsible for their living conditions, support equality in citizenship and so much more; these types of interventions become a simple disguise for manipulation. Instead of strengthening Read More…
Are There Many “Informalities”? Reflections from my past work…
As part of a one-year research fellowship, at the Kamla Raheja Vidhyanidhi Institute for Architecture, I studied processes of urban development and land acquisition in Mumbai, through the academic year 2006-07. The turn of the century in Mumbai came with its desire for newness—urban renewal, redevelopment, gentrification and the realization of a global city—Mumbai began its process of “Shangaification”. As part of my research project, I began tracing the developmental linkages of a Shopping Mall and Residential Condominium building in an inner city neighborhood of Central Mumbai. The case of the Shopping Mall is particularly interesting and one that raises very important questions for urban practitioners working within neoliberal societies.
In 1984 the State Government of Maharashtra, introduced the Cess Policy that entitled an additional 2.00 FSI (Floor Space Index or Floor Area Ration [FAR]) for the redevelopment of old dilapidated buildings in the Island City of Mumbai. Cessed properties are old residential or mixed-use buildings that are owned by “landlords” and occupied by tenants who often do not have the required finance capital for self-redevelopment. The policy encourages private developers to redevelop old buildings, while rehabilitating old tenants on the same plot of land and selling the additional units at market rate to offset development costs. While this policy was introduced in the best interest of communities living in the inner city neighborhoods of Mumbai, to ensure these neighborhoods could be revitalized with negligible gentrification, it was being used as a means to “illegally” acquire FSIs up to 7 and 8 times (and in some cases even higher) more than what was legally permissible. Uses that did not previously exist or tenants who were not involved were brought in to present false cases that could exploit the loopholes of the said policy. Such was the case of the City Center Shopping Mall and Orchid Enclave Residential building.
Neighboring context, average building heights 2-3 storeys.
Haphazard redeveloped buildings based on DCR 33/7 along a neighboring street from the Mall
Round the corner from the new Mall
The City Center Mall was built on a site where roughly 100 tenants with mostly commercial uses—i.e. auto-repair stores, hardware stores, and other miscellaneous retail and commerce—rented or owned space. Visually (or aesthetically) these buildings (mostly ground plus two or three storey, see above) looked dilapidated, with crumbling infrastructure, very little light or ventilation, and prone to all kinds of public health concerns. However, the cess policy does not permit Read More…
Ways to Stay Put
Gentrification - Mural at Balamy Alley, San Francisco.
By 2050, 55% of India’s population is expected to live in cities[1]. While it has been noted that the influx of people into cities shall create a high demand for housing, it’s important to highlight that much of the immediate demand is going to be for rental housing. Given that rental rates in cities like Mumbai are sky rocketing, the demand for affordable rental housing for the lower income groups is often fulfilled by slums.
The slum serves as peculiar kind of rental housing market. The affordability of rents in a slum hinges on its “informality” and lack of services. Hence the paradox that any kind of attempt to formalize/regularize/improve the slum threatens to gentrify it. I use the term gentrify to speak about the process of displacement of the poorest renters by those who are willing to pay a higher rent. I understand that gentrification is not a term that can easily be transported to a slum because the literature, that I am familiar with, speaks very particularly about the American inner city. Yet I feel that it’s a useful term as it helps draw attention to the difference between the renting slum dwellers and the ones who come to “own” homes in the slum. The upgradation/redevelopment projects in some ways benefit those who come to “own” a house in the slum leaving tenants sensitive to rent changes at risk of displacement.
The Indian governments Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAYs program) authoritatively lays out “guidelines to create slum free cities”. It directs the local governments to increase the level of infrastructure in slums to match that of the formal city and to bring slums under formal systems of property ownership . I shall not get into the absurdity of bringing back the slum free rhetoric, but I would like to point out Read More…
Já Era o Nem: So What’s Next for Zona Sul’s Favela Residents?
I have a friend, Antônio Carlos who lives with his little family in the jungle just above Rocinha, somehow more free from the socioeconomic messiness surrounding his friends and family in the valley below. Antônio Carlos was born and raised in Rocinha and is a remarkably wonderful person.
Something unremarkable about him is that all his adolescent years he was actively recruited by the neighborhood drug traffickers. Antônio Carlos is a respectable guy and the higher ups in the drug gangs could see that we was honest, reliable and a hard worker. They, like any business, sought to draw in individuals who would grow their enterprise and help them make money.
Something else about Antônio Carlos that may or may not be remarkable is that he grew up soccer buddies with another Antônio. This Antônio, Antônio Francisco Bonfim Lopes, grew up to one day become the “Dono do Morro.” “Morro” means “hill” where favelas are usually located, and “Dono” translates as “landlord, owner, proprietor,” etc. It’s the sad and telling title for the chief drug trafficker. And that Antônio’s career as “Dono do Morro” was recently cut short by his arrest at the hands of a coordinated law enforcement effort, an invasion of the hill during the first week in Novemeber of 2011.
Wanted Poster for Antônio Francisco Bonfim Lopes, leader of Rocinha the drug faction based in Rocinha
The various law enforcement agencies announced their intention to invade and a shortly thereafter, they had captured the man who some regarded as the most wanted criminal in Rio.
Typically when we think of cocaine dealers running multimillion dollar operations, what comes to mind? Griselda Blanco? Pablo Escobar? Do we think of people who lack only empathy and shame more than they lack scruples? Thugs of shrewd intellect and pitiless character? Read More…
Adriana Navarro Sertich
Lubaina Rangwala
Jennifer Renteria
Kirsten Larson
Proyectos Arqui5
Tucker Landesman
Namrata Kapoor
Paula Restrepo-Cadavid
Andrew Carman
Jose Antonio Ramirez
Fernando Luiz Lara
Bethany Opalach
